---
title: Albania’s Revolution is Taking Off.
description: "Fronts video analysis of Albania’s Revolution is Taking Off, with context on conflict, defense, and security."
url: https://fronts.co/videos/albanias-revolution-is-taking-off.md
canonical: https://fronts.co/videos/albanias-revolution-is-taking-off/
datePublished: 2026-10-21T16:26:06.000Z
dateModified: 2026-10-21T16:26:06.000Z
author:
  - name: Simon Whistler
    url: https://fronts.co/authors/simon-whistler/
publisher: Fronts
image: "https://media.fronts.co/cdn-cgi/image/width=1200,height=630,fit=cover,gravity=auto,quality=80,format=auto/images/articles/albanias-revolution-is-taking-off-9d0bf9b7.png"
type: NewsArticle
language: en
access: members
isAccessibleForFree: false
tokens: 4892
---

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In the European nation of Albania, the flamingos are taking control.

After months of bubbling discontent, a nationwide protest called the "Flamingo

Revolution,"

so it's not the birds, has regularly escalated into riots and pandemonium.

Hundreds of people have been injured across last week.

Protesters and police volley Molotov cocktails and rubber bullets in opposite

directions,

and even the nation's Supreme Court was set on fire.

The protesters' ultimate target? Prime Minister Idi Rama,

who, across more than 13 years of continuous rule, has earned criticism for

everything from

endemic corruption to a pattern of democratic backsliding into authoritarianism.

At the protesters' grievances, everything from a high cost of living,

to a crony government, to a massive upcoming luxury resort on the coast,

linked to US President Donald Trump's daughter and son-in-law,

and seen as the perfect representation of everything wrong with modern Albania.

After more than four months of mostly peaceful demonstration,

Albania's protesters have finally lost their patience.

Now the movement is gathering momentum and spreading into new cities across the

country.

Idi Rama's government still stands as a chance, holding out,

but Albania is on the precipice.

And if the flamingo protesters get their way, then Rama and his political

allies

may have bigger things to worry about than simply losing their grip on power.

A Gathering Storm

To understand how Albania reached its breaking point, we need to turn back the

clock to the 23rd of

May, 2026. That was the day when Albanians gathered for the very first round of

protests

against a proposed luxury tourism development called the Saazan Island Resort.

Valued at a total cost of €1.4 billion, the Saazan Island Resort is a project

planned by an American company called Atlantic Incubation Partners LLC.

It's a US-based firm, with a handful of projects spinning up in this part of

Europe,

including a joint venture with Serbia's government agreed in February 2024,

but abandoned in December 2025 that would have redeveloped the building

that used to serve as Yugoslavia's Ministry of Defense headquarters

and was bombed by NATO in 1999.

Atlantic Incubation would have turned it into a

combination luxury hotel, apartment complex and museum.

In Albania, meanwhile, the Saazan Island Resort was in discussions by early

2025

as part of a larger effort to develop a coastal landscape known as Vernets.

But we should be very specific about the data.

This project was approved in mid-January 2025, just days before the

inauguration of US President Donald Trump.

See, the thing about Atlantic Incubation Partners is that it's closely

affiliated with a private equity firm called Affinity Partners,

and Affinity Partners just happens to be fully owned by Donald Trump's son-in-

law,

Jared Kushner, who's married to Trump's daughter, Ivanka.

Kushner is deeply involved with the Second Trump administration,

including as one of Trump's key envoys dealing with Iran, Gaza, Ukraine,

and other global hotspots alongside another real estate investor, Steve Wickoff.

Under Kushner, Affinity Partners has been very involved with some of the

countries

where Kushner is engaged as a US diplomat.

The group works closely with Saudi Arabia's public investment fund, or PIF,

and received massive foreign investments, including $2 billion from Saudi

Arabia,

and $1.5 billion from Qatar.

Affinity played a key role in the 2025 acquisition of the video game company

Electronic Arts.

It helped for Saudis, Qataris, and the Emiratis place a joint bid for Warner

Brothers' discovery,

and it's quietly helped to funnel Saudi money into Israel, tech ventures, and

startups.

For reasons that are probably obvious by now, those arrangements have drawn

lots of concern from global onlookers about potential conflicts of interest.

So, when Albanians learned that Affinity Partners was behind the Sassan Island

resort deal,

a few things clicked into place at once.

Sassan Island and the surrounding area are one of the most important wetland

areas in all of the

Balkans. It's incredibly biodiverse and hundreds of species of migrating birds

at present there,

including the flamingos from which the protest movement got its name.

It was also kept off limits from development, not just because it's a

designated marine park,

but because it's also home to a former military base, thousands of bunkers from

the communist era,

and lots of dangerous unexploded ordnance.

But in December 2024, after Donald Trump had been re-elected, the Albanian

government

chose to open the area for civilian use, just in time for a development deal to

be agreed,

a month later.

At the time, the Albanian government swore that the timing had nothing to do

with Kushner's connection to the White House, and Kushner asserted the same.

But even at that time, ordinary Albanians were properly sceptical of the whole

thing.

Not long after, the developers started putting up barbed wire, tearing up the

landscape and

causing change to the local ecosystem that's now regarded as impossible to undo.

The country's prime minister, meanwhile, told parliamentarians that the

development

wouldn't encroach on the reserve, a claim that now is impossible to defend with

a straight face.

But it wasn't until May of 2026 that Albanian citizens started to focus their

discontent

toward the Sassan island project in organized protests.

On the 23rd of May, people gathered near the vital Nata Lagoon, the anchor

point of the local

wetland ecosystem to protest the fencing off of a new area with barbed wire.

A few days later, they were back again, and a few days after that, a third

rally turned violent.

Private security assaulted the protesters at the site after one local resident

was dragged

into the fenced in construction area. The next day, the protests expanded to

the Albanian

capital city of Tirana in response to the confrontation, and by the 1st of June

2026, a much larger anti-government movement was starting to take shape.

You see, the Sassan island resort project is a controversial issue on its own,

but it's also

a particularly easy place to assign a deeper symbolic meaning.

Albania is a country that's grown more and more corrupt year over year for a

very long time.

After a brief period of post-communist optimism, quickly lost its luster.

Today, Albania is a poster child for the concept of state capture, a situation

in which private

interests have managed to corrupt a nation's political leadership so thoroughly

that they can

regularly and easily manipulate state functions and decisions for their own

advantage.

The nation's recent history is a laundry list of corruption scandals and crises

bungled or underwhelming reforms, and an ever deeper entrenchment of a

political elite

that knows it can abuse its power. Although individual scandals implicate

different

individuals or groups within the Albanian leadership, the overall situation is

seen as

a creation of Prime Minister Idi Rama and his closest allies.

Across 13 years in charge, Rama is overseen Albania's transition into a deeply

troubling status quo,

a hyperpolarized electorate that's forced to choose between a corrupt ruling

party

and a well-controlled, managed opposition that also benefits from the same

corrupt structures.

Even back in the 2010s, foreign investigations have produced evidence of vote

buying,

organized criminal influence over elections, and a range of other election-

related issues.

And ever since, those problems have only seemed to get worse.

In 2025, Rama won a historic fourth term in a vote the more legitimate elements

of the country's

opposition claimed was stolen. The Albanian media is useless in addressing the

problem,

and in fact its long since been corrupted by the same private interests that

have brought

Rama's government to heal. So, just imagine how the situation looked for

ordinary pissed off

Albanians, when the Saazan Island Resort Project became public knowledge.

Here's Idi Rama and his government, again, carrying favor with America's

president through a deal

with his daughter and son-in-law in an arrangement where Albania's beautiful

coastline would pay

the price, all without the knowledge of ordinary Albanians until the deal was

reported in the media.

Worst yet, Saazan was just the first stage in a much larger development

sequence, one that would

see an undeveloped coastal area turned into a resort with 10,000 accommodation

units,

despite the fact that the area was designated as a national park.

By the 1st of June, 2026, just a few short days after that protester was

dragged into a fenced-off

area of that same Kushner-Link development, the protest movement was already

about more

than the Saazan Island Project. On that day, the protesters called for the

first time for Idi

Rama's resignation. They refused to meet with a delegation that Rama had sent

and began nightly

demonstrations in the capital city of Tehran's main plaza, Skandabag Square.

On that day, Albania's anti-corruption prosecutor began an investigation,

although that investigation's legitimacy and the prosecutor's willingness to

actually

prosecute remains in doubt. Within three days, the protesters had encountered

police

water cannons for the first time. Within two weeks, they'd spread to over a

dozen other Albanian

cities. On the 20th of June, the days demonstration drew a quarter of a million

people into the streets,

a major milestone for a country of less than three million people in total.

And just two days after that, the protesters issued their five core demands to

Tarana for the very

first time. Among other items, the protesters called for the "non-negotiable

resignation of

Prime Minister Idi Rama and the entire government cabinet," along with the

establishment of a

12-month transitional government, the drafting of a new constitution with

specific provisions,

and the creation of a "new social contract between citizens and the state."

An entirely new status quo, basically, to guide Albania into a far less corrupt

future.

Across the following months, the protesters continued to grow in size,

but until this month, they remain mostly peaceful. Police sometimes take action

against protesters

directly, and small groups of protesters engage in intermittent civil violence.

But on the whole, the situation remains much more contained than what's

happened in some

other countries recently. The protesters have developed the recurring habit of

pelting government

ministers with eggs. But given that we're hardly a year past the day that Nepal

's now former

finance minister was drop-kicked into a river, it's safe to say that Albania's

anti-government

protests remained on the relatively tame side. Or, at least they did, until on

the 13th of October,

the flamingo revolution merged with another growing protest movement, and all

hell broke loose.

The Storm Begins

Now, if you, dear viewer, have been listening to our description of what's

happening in Albania

and found yourself thinking, sounds like it would suck to live there? Well,

Albanians seem to agree,

but the corruption, the democratic backsliding, and the destruction of the

Albanian coast,

are only a few of the problems that citizens face, and starting in mid-October,

a new group of citizens decided to make their voices heard.

This time, it was Albania's students who demanded the nation's attention.

Many of the nation's students and its wider youth population had already been

part of the

flamingo revolution in the preceding months. But starting on the 13th of

October, one week ago,

as of the time this episode is released, the students started showing up to the

protests

in a much more coordinated way. In addition to everything else the flamingo

revolution was

focused on, the students resolved to throw a couple of additional grievances

onto the pile.

Albania's high cost of living relative to the means of its ordinary citizens,

and the particularly high cost of education. As one student activist, Amir Lech

ini explained

the New York Times quoting, "After more than 130 days of a national peaceful

protest,

we, as students, wanted to show that we have many other reasons to protest. Our

system of

education is unacceptable, cost of living is high, and students are not treated

with dignity."

Before long the protests began to take on a very different tone. Within 48

hours of

the student-led movement formally joining the flamingo revolution,

demonstrators outside the Ministry of Education managed to set part of the

building on fire.

Also on Wednesday, protesters broke into the Prime Minister's office,

the Finance Ministry, and the Interior Ministry, causing at least some damage

at each location.

An elite unit of the Albanian State Police, known as the Eagles, which is a

cool name,

by the way, was able to break up the protests on that day. But they were unable

to stop some

of the protesters from burning businesses as they moved away from the scene.

Within a couple of days, most of Albania's major cities were seeing violent

protests of their own,

and on Saturday the 17th of October, the Prime Minister's office was attacked

again.

Police managed to hold the protesters back, but the protesters turned their

attention to

other major government and private buildings in the immediate vicinity.

By then, Albania's main counter-terror security unit, Renea, had arrived, but

even they have

struggled to contain the violence. But even with the arrival of the new student

protesters,

the flamingo revolution's core demands are unchanged, a new constitution,

sweeping anti-corruption action, and most important of all, the immediate and

permanent departure

of Edi Rama. But Rama remains intent on resisting the protesters' demands,

instead decrying the new escalation of the protests as a decision by protesters

to step outside the bounds of civil opposition. Writing on social media on

Monday, Rama explained

his government's view quoting, "Protests are a right, whereas violence is a

crime,

and this red line will be drawn firmly at this critical stage of our democratic

development."

The rioters must and will bear the legal and financial consequences of their

blindness.

I and the governing majority are ready for dialogue with anyone except the

rioters and political parties that do not distance themselves from violence."

Rama has also raised the specter of foreign interference in the protests,

claiming that they're the result of quoting again, "the chaos of social

networks,

the chaos of disinformation, the chaos of hatred, of division."

But if his public statements are an indicator of his thinking behind the scenes,

then he's also focused on giving the protesters an out.

Instead of focusing on the majority of protesters, Rama has tried to shift the

conversation to

condemn what he says, a somewhere between 200 and 300, quote, "masked people

who have nothing

to do with the students." Rama's gamble seems to be that at some point the

students

and the rest of the Flamingo Revolution's participants will be interested in

going back to normal.

By blaming outside influencers and foreign agitators, he may believe that he's

giving

participants a chance to absolve themselves of responsibility.

And unlike some of the more hard-line government leaders that we've watched

oppose youth-led movements lately, Rama's doing his best to play an affable,

understanding, compassionate leader who understands that most of the movement's

outrage

is to be expected. Quoting him again, young people are frustrated, yes, they

are angry,

students want more, they want change, they always have, and they always will.

"It is in their nature," end quote.

And nor is it totally unreasonable for Rama to hope that after a few nights,

the protesters would lose their taste for outright resistance.

By Tuesday, Albanian authorities had listed several hundred people injured in

total

across the last week, including numerous police officers and many, many

participants in the

protest movement. But at least for now, the student protesters remain unrepent

ant.

Quoting a student protester, Lake Acina, as speaking to the AFP,

"We are not criminals. We want social peace at better living conditions in our

country."

Violence is not a solution, but the government also needs to reflect deeply

to understand this revolt.

Now, rather than coming down, the protesters have continued to escalate in the

last several days.

On Sunday, protesters attacked a police station in Tirana,

and injured at least five officers, while setting far to the outside of the

interior

ministry and the infrastructure ministry. Also that night, the headquarters of

Rama's socialist

party was attacked, with its windows smashed in by rocks. And speaking of rocks, the protesters

have also been aiming stones at riot police, with greater and greater frequency.

By the end of the night, on Sunday, the Albanian Supreme Court was engulfed in

flames, and on Monday,

the clashes only continued.

Meanwhile, the protesters have been doing their best to remove

any remaining off-ramp for Rama to try and de-escalate,

knowing that the government could try and placate the student protesters by

addressing

cost of living issues and education prices without stepping down.

The students have now dropped those demands and refocused solely around Rama's

resignation.

They've also noticed Albania's foremost opposition leader,

Saali Barisha, trying to turn the situation to his advantage.

Recently, he's joined calls for Rama to resign, but the protest movement has

quickly made clear

that they regard Barisha as the other side of the same coin.

A compliant member of a carefully managed opposition who would just

perpetrate the same, larger, corrupt enterprise of the Albanian state,

if he were to be elevated to the premiership.

The protesters instead demand that Barisha be jailed alongside Rama.

Most recently, as of the time of writing, Edi Rama seems to be losing patience.

On a Facebook live address, Rama insisted, quote, "I am not being challenged.

The government is not being challenged. A government majority, or a winning

party in the elections,

is not being challenged," end quote.

Instead, Rama seized on statements from the European Commission condemning the

protesters'

use of violence and claimed that the protests are putting Albania's ongoing EU

session bid at risk.

Quoting him once more, "Albanians need to think very clearly.

Do they want this? Do they want that? Or do they want the EU?"

But unfortunately for Rama, Albanians seem to have chosen their answer,

and it's not the answer that Rama was looking for.

Right now, these protests show no signs of stopping,

and their leaders and participants are getting more coordinated,

more adept at evading capture, and more willing to use all the tools at their

disposal

to bring Rama down.

As one demonstrator Anita Beehme told Reuters,

"The people are very angry at the system. They need to change everything,

with this corruption all around the crime and everything else is happening.

And the people now are angry. They need to change the system," end quote.

Whether Albanians will succeed, it's too early to tell.

But they are taking their very best shot, and in the end, it may well be enough.
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